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This kind of abuse of Arab-Americans and Muslim-American employs the ritualized sacrifice with the pharmakos, which in turn involved the projection of a specific pair of characteristics on to the scapegoated victim, who was then lost in order to restore the health and unity in the community” (p. 165). As Taslitz (2002) emphasizes, these kinds of hate criminal activity and stereotypical portrayals of Arab-Americans represent a securely entrenched group of beliefs kept by many People in america that help the government’s ability to increase the power on the expense of the civil rights afforded the ordinary citizenry. “The most significant threats to our freedom generally advance in small steps, ” Taslitz notes, and, “The hazards we believe are, mostly, reflections of laws that provide certain customs and values” (p. 125).
This step-by-step erosion of civil protections can be best understood as being a response to the demonizing of Arabs in America as far back as the late 1800s (Akram, 2002). In fact , the hypocritical facets of a country that countenanced slavery and the notion of separate nevertheless equal education for millions of Americans are not misplaced on various observers today. For example , Craig-Henderson and Brown-Sims (2004) emphasize, “As a nation, the U. H. has suggested the fact of its range as a piece of the strength and relative brilliance in the global community. Although somewhat paradoxically, at the same time the fact that U. S i9000. symbolically sees the notion of diversity, there have always been Americans who vociferously denounce those they will perceive to get different” (p. 511).
The terrorist attacks of Sept. 2010 11, although, have added an enormous quantity of gasoline to this previously smoldering racist fire in terms of Arab-Americans. For example, Craig-Henderson and Brown-Sims stress that, “Since September eleventh 2001 as well as the ensuing American attack upon Iraq, People in america who look like either Arab or Muslim or in some manner Middle Far eastern are not only viewed as different, but they are sometimes designated for dropped retaliatory aggression. Many Americans currently view a person’s association using a Muslim or Middle Far eastern identity just as some way causally related to the actions of the doj of Sept 11th” (p. 512). Despite efforts by many in the Arab community to counter these kinds of misplaced perceptions, emotions operate high with regards to national and private security and the problem continues to be firmly set up. As Abu-Laban (2007) stresses, “Even in 2007 the representations of Arabs and the Middle East the American media stay stereotyped and frequently racist” (p. 47). As the mainstream mass media in the United States continually provide a lot of ammunition for those who would make these racist presumptions, the fact continues to be that American civil liberties are in danger and Arab-Americans have been accustomed to justify these types of increased oversight powers by government (Sachs, 2002).
The research revealed that racism is a hard nut to crack in the first place, but when it truly is continually strong by unoriginal imagery it might be impossible to overcome. Throughout American record, immigrants, blacks, gays and others who were considered sufficiently different have been exposed to such racist views simply by mainstream America. The research likewise showed the terrorist attacks of Sept 11, 2001 have compounded the problem of racism against Arab-Americans specifically, and the U. S. authorities has reacted by legal guidelines that erodes the constitutional protections provided by the Invoice of Privileges in ways that will startle the Founding Dads. As Benjamin Franklin stated early on, “Those who are willing to trade city liberties intended for temporary secureness, deserve neither. ” Unfortunately, the United States is apparently on a extremely slippery incline in its initiatives to prosecute the battle with terrorism, and it is reasonable to conclude that racism against Arab-Americans is not going away anytime soon.
Abu-Laban, B. (2007). Reflections going up and decrease of an Arab-American organization. Arab Studies Quarterly, 29(3-4), 47.
Akram, S. M. (2002). The consequences of Sept 11, 2001: The concentrating on of Middle easterns and Muslims in America. Arabic Studies Quarterly, 61.
Looby, S. Elizabeth. Campbell, S. (1999). Racism and philosophy. Ithaca, BIG APPLE: Cornell School Press.
Chermak, S., Cromwell, F. Con., Brown, M. (2003). Media representations of September eleven. Westport, COMPUTERTOMOGRAFIE: Praeger.
Cole, D. Dempsey, J. X. (2002). Terrorism and the Constitution: Sacrificing city liberties with the intention of national security. New York: Free Press.
Craig-Henderson, K. Brown-Sims, M. (2004). An investigation of African-American university students’ philosophy about anti-Middle Eastern hate crime and victims inside the wake of September 11th. The Western Journal of Black Research, 28(4), 511-512.
Federal Bureau of Investigation (2002). Hate criminal offense statistics. Us Department of Justice. Buenos aires, DC in Craig-Henderson Brown-Sims at s. 512.
Fox, H. (2001). When competition breaks out: Conversations regarding race and racism in college classes. New York: Philip Lang.
Gokay, B. Walker, R. B. (2003). eleven September 2001: war, terror, and judgment. London: Honest Cass.
Jacobs, J. W. Henry, M. S. (1996). The sociable construction of a hate criminal offenses epidemic. Log of Legal Law and Criminology, 86(2), 366-391.
Jordan, G. (2003). Confronting right wing extremism and terrorism in the
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